Produced by Anthony J. Adam.
Thomas Hart Benton,
"On the Expunging Resolution."
U.S. Senate,
January 12, 1837
Mr. President:
It is now three years since the resolve was adopted by the Senate,which it is my present motion to expunge from the journal. At themoment that this resolve was adopted, I gave notice of my intention tomove to expunge it; and then expressed my confident belief that themotion would eventually prevail. That expression of confidence was notan ebullition of vanity, or a presumptuous calculation, intended toaccelerate the event it affected to foretell. It was not a vain boast,or an idle assumption, but was the result of a deep conviction of theinjustice done President Jackson, and a thorough reliance upon thejustice of the American people. I felt that the President had beenwronged; and my heart told me that this wrong would be redressed! Theevent proves that I was not mistaken. The question of expunging thisresolution has been carried to the people, and their decision has beenhad upon it. They decide in favor of the expurgation; and theirdecision has been both made and manifested, and communicated to us in agreat variety of ways. A great number of States have expresslyinstructed their Senators to vote for this expurgation. A very greatmajority of the States have elected Senators and Representatives toCongress, upon the express ground of favoring this expurgation. TheBank of the United States, which took the initiative in the accusationagainst the President, and furnished the material, and worked themachinery which was used against him, and which was then so powerful onthis floor, has become more and more odious to the public mind, andmusters now but a slender phalanx of friends in the two Houses ofCongress. The late Presidential election furnishes additional evidenceof public sentiment. The candidate who was the friend of PresidentJackson, the supporter of his administration, and the avowed advocatefor the expurgation, has received a large majority of the suffrages ofthe whole Union, and that after an express declaration of hissentiments on this precise point. The evidence of the public will,exhibited in all these forms, is too manifest to be mistaken, tooexplicit to require illustration, and too imperative to be disregarded.Omitting details and specific enumeration of proofs, I refer to our ownfiles for the instructions to expunge—to the complexion of the twoHouses for the temper of the people—to the denationalized condition ofthe Bank of the United States for the fate of the imperiousaccuser—and to the issue of the Presidential election for the answerof the Union.
All these are pregnant proofs of the public will, and the lastpre-eminently so: because, both the question of the expurgation, andthe form of the process, were directly put in issue upon it….
Assuming, then, that we have ascertained the will of the people on thisgreat question, the inquiry presents itself, how far the expression ofthat will ought to be conclusive of our action here. I hold that itought to be binding and obligatory upon us; and that, not only upon theprinciples of representative government, which require obedience to theknown will of the people, but also in conformity to the principles uponwhich the proceeding against President Jackson was conducted when thesentence against him was adopted. Then everything was done withespecial reference to the will of the people. Their impulsion wasassumed to be the sole motive to action; and to them the ultimateverdict was expressly referred. The whole machinery of alarm andpressure—every engine of political and moneyed power—was put inmotion, and worked for many months